【新刊速递】《地中海政治》（MP）Vol.30，No.3，2025

期刊简介

《地中海政治》（ Mediterranean Politics） 是一本汇集了地中海及其周边地区当代政治和国际关系研究的学术期刊。地中海不仅被理解为那些边界部分或全部由海洋本身界定的国家，而且被理解为一个跨越欧洲、非洲和亚洲大陆的空间。因此，该刊寻求作为相关区域研究团体之间的桥梁，文章范围包括更广泛的欧洲、非洲、中东和西亚地区的国家和人口。该刊近五年影响因子为2.266。

目录

1

欧盟代表团作为欧盟形象认知的中介：来自中东与北非地区的视角

EU delegations as intermediaries of perceptions of the EU: A view from the MENA region

2

卡普塔贡与冲突：约旦与叙利亚边境上的毒品与战争

Captagon and conflict: Drugs and war on the border between Jordan and Syria

3

国家的“坏母亲”与“好母亲”：突尼斯女性在恐怖主义与反极端主义中的双重面貌

Bad mothers vs good mothers of the nation: The dual faces of Tunisian women in terrorism and in preventing extremism

4

变革的催化剂：揭示地中海地区抗议运动与政党政治之间的关联

Catalysts of change: Unveiling the nexus between protest movements and party politics in the Mediterranean

5

口译“欧洲”：声音政治与多语种谈判中的情感基础

Interpreting Europe: Sonic politics and the affective foundation of multilingual negotiations

6

英国独立党“土耳其移民”脱欧宣传图像的视觉框架分析

Visual frame analysis of the UKIP leave campaigns ‘Turkish migrant’ Brexit visuals

7

“德米斯图拉的构想之于现实，犹如风车之于堂吉诃德”：联合国调解人在叙利亚冲突中的角色

‘De Mistura ideas to reality are like windmills to Don Quixote’: A UN mediator in the Syrian conflict

题目： EU delegations as intermediaries of perceptions of the EU: A view from the MENA region

作者： Katri Gadd，芬兰东芬兰大学法学院；Viljam Engström，芬兰奥布学术大学公法与国际法系。

摘要： 欧盟委员会在其2015年关于欧盟形象认知的研究中指出：国际体系中行为体之间的相互认知会影响彼此对对方行为的预期，并进而引导其对对方行动的理解。因此，了解中东与北非（MENA）国家与欧盟形象在各自国家代表团中如何被传达，对于判断影响欧盟对外政策制定的信息是否具代表性、以及代表谁，具有重要意义。欧盟驻外代表团被广泛视为推动欧盟政策制定的重要知识来源，甚至已有建议提出应进一步强化其作用。本文基于2021年对欧盟驻中东与北非地区代表团团长/大使的访谈，归纳出影响欧盟形象认知的四类相互关联的关键因素：历史遗产、对欧盟的认知与期待、价值观与目标的竞争、以及欧盟内部政策的一致性问题。研究进一步通过对既有欧盟形象认知研究的梳理，对访谈发现进行了背景化处理。文章还探讨了欧盟代表团在政策制定过程中的作用，并呼吁以批判性的视角审视大使们所呈现的“对欧盟形象的认知之认知”。

The European Commission in its 2015 study on the perceptions of the EU acknowledged that mutual perceptions held by actors in the international arena affect their expectations about the other’s behaviour and hereby guide the interpretation of the other’s actions. Knowledge of how and what image of the MENA countries and of the EU is conveyed by country delegations is important for understanding whether the information that influences EU foreign policy-making is representative, and of whom. EU delegations are an acknowledged source of knowledge that feed into EU policymaking, and proposals have even been made for strengthening their role. Based on interviews with heads of delegations/Ambassadors in 2021, four interlinked categories of concerns affecting the perceptions of the EU are identified: historical legacy; knowledge about and expectations towards the Union; competing values and aims; and the EU’s internal policy inconsistencies. The findings in the interviews are contextualized through an analysis of previous research on the perceptions of the EU. Further, the article discusses the role of delegations in EU policy-making and invites to take a critical view of Ambassadors´ ‘perceptions of the perceptions of the EU’.

卡普塔贡与冲突：约旦与叙利亚边境上的毒品与战争

题目： Captagon and conflict: Drugs and war on the border between Jordan and Syria

作者： Christina Steenkamp，英国牛津布鲁克斯大学法律与社会科学学院。

摘要： 卡普塔贡（Captagon）是一种在中东地区广泛流通的非法苯丙胺类毒品。自2011年叙利亚内战爆发以来，该国逐渐演变为卡普塔贡生产的国际中心。主要的贩运路线自叙利亚出发，经由约旦通往阿拉伯半岛，这一过程也导致卡普塔贡在约旦国内的消费日益增加。本文探讨卡普塔贡在约旦的贩运与使用如何与叙利亚战争发生交织，并分析其更广泛的地缘政治影响。文章揭示了毒品贩运既可能是暴力的产物，也可能成为助长进一步暴力的路径。文章首先分析叙利亚的“毒品—冲突”关系，强调卡普塔贡贩运作为该研究领域中新兴的案例，尤其聚焦国家在“犯罪—冲突”关系中的角色定位。文章后半部分借助批判性边界研究文献，展示非法卡普塔贡贸易如何加剧边境地区的军事化趋势，并对生活与工作在边境地带的群体造成深远影响。研究最终指出，卡普塔贡贩运对叙利亚及其周边地区的和平与稳定构成严重挑战，并呼吁将此问题纳入区域安全与冲突治理的政策议程之中。

Captagon is an illegal amphetamine that is widely used in the Middle East. Since the civil war started in 2011, Syria has become an international hub for Captagon production. A main Captagon trafficking route runs from Syria to the Arabian peninsula via Jordan. This has caused increasing domestic consumption of Captagon in Jordan. This article asks how Captagon trafficking and use in Jordan intersects with war in Syria and its wider impact. It illustrates how drug trafficking can be the product of violence and can also become a conduit for further violence. The article firstly analyses the drugs-conflict nexus in Syria and emphasizes Captagon trafficking as a new case study to this literature. It unpacks the role of the state in the crime-conflict nexus. The second half of the article draws on critical border studies literature to illustrate how the illegal Captagon trade has increased violence by contributing to an increasingly militarized border, with significant consequences for the communities who live and work there. The study concludes by considering the implications of Captagon trafficking for peace and stability in Syria and the region.

国家的“坏母亲”与“好母亲”：突尼斯女性在恐怖主义与反极端主义中的双重面貌

题目： Bad mothers vs good mothers of the nation: The dual faces of Tunisian women in terrorism and in preventing extremism

作者： Guendalina Simoncini，意大利佛罗伦萨高等师范学院政治与社会科学学院。

摘要： 本文旨在批判性地探讨性别如何影响突尼斯公共话语中对女性暴力行为的解释与表述。反恐话语远非性别中立，反而不断再生产根深蒂固的父权等级结构，加剧社会中既有的不平等权力关系。本研究运用女性主义批判话语分析的工具，揭示在突尼斯语境中，女性参与恐怖主义的公共讨论如何被构建，并进一步分析这种表述方式如何影响后革命时期的反恐战略与预防性措施的制定。文章重点审视了有关“性圣战”（jihād al-nikāḥ）的公共话语，同时分析女性在防止暴力极端主义（PVE）项目中的角色。研究特别关注女性作为“母亲”的再现：当她们卷入政治暴力时被视为“坏母亲”，而在参与极端主义预防工作时则被描绘为“好母亲”。前者常被描述为受害者或被洗脑的个体，而后者虽被承认为具有能动性，但其能动性被工具化，仅服务于国家的安全导向目标。

This article seeks to critically examine how gender influences the interpretation and representation of women’s violence within the Tunisian public discourse. Far from being gender-neutral, the counterterrorism discourse perpetuates entrenched patriarchal hierarchies, amplifying imbalanced power dynamics within society. The study, utilizing tools from feminist critical discourse analysis, aims to shed light on how female involvement is depicted in public discussions on terrorism in Tunisia, and how this affects counterterrorism strategies and preventive measures in the post-revolutionary setting. This is achieved primarily by scrutinizing the discourse of jihād al-nikāḥ, and by exploring women’s roles in programmes aimed at preventing violent extremism (PVE). Emphasis is given to the depiction of women as mothers – viewed negatively when embracing political violence and positively when engaging in extremism prevention initiatives. While one narrative often paints women merely as victims or brainwashed entities, the PVE policies acknowledge women’s agency but instrumentalize it for security-oriented objectives.

变革的催化剂：揭示地中海地区抗议运动与政党政治之间的关联

题目： Catalysts of change: Unveiling the nexus between protest movements and party politics in the Mediterranean

作者： Şebnem Yardımcı-Geyikçi，德国波恩大学科学与伦理研究所；Jan Willem Duyvendak ，荷兰阿姆斯特丹大学社会与行为科学学院、荷兰人文与社会科学高等研究院。

摘要： 近年来，抗议浪潮已成为引人注目的全球性政治现象。过去十年中，多个类型各异的国家及地区——包括埃及、美国、西班牙、中国香港、印度尼西亚与英国——相继爆发大规模抗议运动。已有研究广泛强调抗议运动与政党政治之间的互动在政治变革中的关键作用。然而，当前对于为何某些社会运动能够深刻重塑政治格局，甚至导致既有政党体系的崩溃，而另一些运动对传统政治格局影响甚微的原因，尚缺乏系统性的理论解释。本文通过对希腊、西班牙、葡萄牙与土耳其等国本世纪第二个十年期间抗议运动的案例研究，进行系统的比较分析，旨在揭示为何以及如何某些抗议运动更具重塑政党政治的效能，而另一些则相对失败。作者主张，政党体系的运行动态在决定社会运动能否引发政党政治转型中发挥着关键作用。政党结构的开放性、适应性与合法性等要素，是解释抗议政治成败差异的核心变量。

The recent surges of protest have emerged as a striking global phenomenon. Several diverse countries, including Egypt, the United States, Spain, Hong Kong, Indonesia, and the United Kingdom, have witnessed massive protest movements over the past decade. Numerous recent studies have underscored the pivotal role of the interaction between protest movements and party politics. However, our understanding of why certain movements profoundly impact the political landscape, sometimes triggering the collapse of existing party systems, while others barely alter conventional politics, remains limited. Drawing from case studies of Greece, Spain, Portugal, and Turkey, we conduct a systematic comparative analysis of the impact of protest movements during the 2010s. We aim to elucidate why and how some protests have proven more effective in reshaping party politics, while others have faltered. Our contention is that the dynamics of the party system play a pivotal role in determining the capacity of social movements to instigate transformative changes in party politics.

口译“欧洲”：声音政治与多语种谈判中的情感基础

题目： Interpreting Europe: Sonic politics and the affective foundation of multilingual negotiations

作者： 林嘉欣 ，澳门 大学政府与公共行政系。

摘要： 欧盟是全球雇用口译员数量最多的国际组织，甚至超过了联合国。本文聚焦于国际政治中的口译实践，旨在探讨会议与外交口译中的声音政治（sonic politics），进而理解语言如何在外交交流中构成情感与政治意义。通过对欧盟葡语口译员的访谈材料分析，文章深入考察制度运作的日常实际、现场发生的互动过程以及外交生活的日常形态，换言之，是以“他者之声”重新审视何为政治的激活空间、权力的有效实践与意识形态的交锋场域。研究指出，口译员在多语言协商中提供了情感基础，他们的情绪性转述（emotive rendition）为国家间的理解赋予具体形式。口译不仅是一种技术手段，更是一种政治实践，体现为口译员在视觉与听觉维度上的表演与再现。本文拓展了对口译在国际关系中政治作用的理解，强调在被忽视的“声音实践”中，同样蕴藏着权力运作与政治建构的关键机制。

The European Union employs the largest number of interpreters globally, surpassing even the United Nations. This analysis delves into the interpreted world of international politics and works towards appreciating sonic politics in conference and diplomatic interpretation. Drawing on testimonies of Portuguese interpreters of the European Union, the present paper examines the everyday practicality of institutional operations, what happens on the ground and what constitutes everyday diplomatic life – in other words, in other voices – so as to locate new sites of political activation, meaningful enactment of power and ideological encounters. The research shows that interpreters supply affective foundation to multilingual negotiations and that their emotive rendition gives form to inter-state understanding. The research explains how interpretation is politics emerging from visual and audible performance of the interpreters.

英国独立党“土耳其移民”脱欧宣传图像的视觉框架分析

题目： Visual frame analysis of the UKIP leave campaigns ‘Turkish migrant’ Brexit visuals

作者： Hanife ErÍşen，东地中海大学传播与媒体研究学院；Metin Ersoy，东地中海大学传播与媒体研究学院。

摘要： 在2016年6月23日英国与欧盟的“民主离婚”公投前夕，“脱欧”（Leave）与“留欧”（Remain）阵营展开了激烈的宣传攻势。其中，移民问题成为焦点议题之一。英国独立党（UKIP）的脱欧宣传中推出了七幅聚焦于“土耳其移民”的图像，这种反移民言论当时引发了大量批评。本文采用符号学分析与视觉框架分析方法，对上述图像进行深入解读。研究发现，这些图像在很大程度上依赖于对“土耳其身份”的既有隐喻与意义建构，并通过“他者化”意识形态的挪用，使其传达出超越图像本身的政治讯息。同时，这些视觉传播也嵌入于当时英国社会中关于移民问题的既有敌意与对政治体系的普遍不信任之中。图像背后的政治修辞将脱欧诉求建立在土耳其可能加入欧盟的前提上，刻意将欧盟本身从问题结构中排除，从而转移公众关注点并加剧身份与边界焦虑。本文的分析有助于理解政治宣传中视觉资源如何服务于身份政治与排外叙事，并影响重大政治决策的社会心理基础。

The lead up to the 23 June 2016 democratic divorce of the United Kingdom from the European Union observed rigorous campaigning from the ‘Leave’ and ‘Remain’ spectrums. Immigration was high on the agenda, with UKIP’s leave campaign commissioning seven visuals focusing on migration from Turkey, with this anti-immigration rhetoric receiving much criticism. This study analysed these visuals by performing a semiotic and visual frame analysis. The findings present important indications of how politicians utilize existing connotations and ‘othering’ ideologies to influence political decisions, and the messages in accordance with the socio-political climate prevalent at the time. It was found that the visuals relied heavily on connotations appropriated upon the Turkish identity, and their previously invested-in self-other ideologies, enabling the visuals to transcend a greater message. Simultaneously, pre-existing antagonism connected to immigration was also utilized within a setting of political distrust. The rhetoric promoted basing Brexit on Turkey’s entrance to the Union, omitting the Union from the equation and question.

“德米斯图拉的构想之于现实，犹如风车之于堂吉诃德”：联合国调解人在叙利亚冲突中的角色

题目： ‘De Mistura ideas to reality are like windmills to Don Quixote’: A UN mediator in the Syrian conflict

作者： Fadi Nicholas Nassar，黎巴嫩美国大学社会与教育科学系；Reinoud Leenders，伦敦国王学院战争研究系。

摘要： 本文通过对联合国叙利亚问题调解人斯塔凡·德米斯图拉（Staffan de Mistura）的单一案例研究，评估联合国调解人的能动性。借助并回应当前兴起的相关研究议题，文章主张联合国调解人在实践中确实拥有一定的回旋余地，并具备构思、谈判与执行关键调解政策决策的能力。本文的分析搭建了国际关系（IR）研究中的层次分析理论与外交政策分析（FPA）之间的桥梁。作者发展了一种过程追踪法（process-tracing），用于识别调解过程中的具体倡议，并进一步明确调解人在这些调解支柱性政策的概念构建与操作设计中的具体贡献。文章质疑当前主流观点，即学界过于强调调解所面临的结构性制约、调解人所隶属的组织机构或“成功调解”的操作指南，而忽视了调解人个体的行为能力与主动性。本文将调解人的主体性重新置于调解比较研究的核心地位，强调调解人的个性特征、技能与专业判断在推动调解进程中的关键作用，同时指出他们对调解结果应负有更明确的个人责任，需接受更加严谨的评估与问责。

This article assesses the agency of UN mediators through a single case-study of the UN mediator in Syria – Staffan de Mistura. Drawing on and contributing to an emerging research agenda, we argue that UN mediators do have significant room of manoeuvre and thus the ability to conceive, negotiate, and execute key mediation policy-decisions. Our analysis bridges the literature on levels of analysis in International Relations (IR) and Foreign Policy Analysis (FPA). We developed a method that uses process-tracing to identify distinct mediation initiatives. We then pinpoint the mediator’s input on the conceptual and operational components of these main pillars of the mediation process. We question the prevailing perspective wherein the individual mediator has become conspicuous by their absence as the research gaze has been geared towards contextual constraints to mediation, the organization employing the mediator, and developing generic guides for good practice in ‘successful’ mediation. We put the study of the mediator’s agency firmly back into the comparative study of mediation, this way strengthening the validity of arguments that mediators’ personalities, skills and their individual characteristics shape their mediation initiatives just as they point up to considerable personal responsibility for which they need to be better held to account.

译者： 束任翔，国政学人编译员，中国社会科学院大学国际政治专业。